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30.03.2008.

EU spremna potpisati Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju sa BiH 28. aprila

EU je spremna sa BiH potpisati Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju na narednom sastanku Vijeća Unije u Luksemburgu, 28. aprila, ukoliko u narednom periodu bude usvojena neophodna zakonska regulativa u vezi s reformom policije, saopćeno je iz Ministarstva vanjskih poslova BiH.

U zvaničnoj izjavi predsjedavajućeg EU-a Slovenije, nakon neformalnog sastanka ministara vanjskih poslova zemalja članica EU-a na Brdu kod Kranja, istaknuto je da je naredni cilj, nakon stupanja na snagu sporazuma o viznim olakšicama i readmisiji, otvaranje dijaloga o liberalizaciji viznog režima sa svim zemljama zapadnog Balkana.

Iz MVP-a BiH navode da je u izjavi predsjedavajućeg EU-a podvučen zajednički interes da zemlje Zapadnog Balkana što prije nastave s političkim i ekonomskim reformama, pomirenjem i zaštitom etničkih manjina, a s ciljem ubrzanog napretka procesa približavanja EU.

Ministar vanjskih poslova BiH Sven Alkalaj učestvovao je na jučerašnjem neformalnom sastanku ministara inostranih poslova zemalja članica EU-a i zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, koji je održan u Sloveniji na Brdu kod Kranja.

27.03.2008.

Bakir Izetbegovic

Ne vidimo zašto se tu pruža otpor da se ta stvar sistematski riješi, da ti ljudi, borci, dobiju tih svojih 160 KM. Ako mi možemo imati toliko za topli obrok, zaposleni, zašto oni ne mogu toliko imati za život.

Bakir Izetbegović, na press konferenciji SDA u Sarajevu

26.03.2008.

Danas akcija "Srežimo administraciju"

U sklopu kampanje "Aktivno do racionalizacije administracije" danas su u Mostaru, Banjoj Luci i Tuzli upriličene ulične akcije pod nazivom "Srežimo administraciju".

Akcija u Mostaru održavala se na tri lokacije, a samo na jednoj od njih, u Fejićevo ulici, za samo sat vremena građani su popunili više od 1 000 zahtjeva za smanjenje administracije u FBiH i Republici Srpskoj.

Po riječima Huseina Oručevića, urednika Media Centra OKC-a Abrašević, građani su pokazali golem interes za akciju "Srežimo administraciju", kojoj je cilj da se počne sa smanjivanjem administracije na svim razinama vlasti za pet posto godišnje.

Zahtjevi će nakon potpisivanja biti upućeni federalnim i županijskim vladama te Vladi Republike Srpske.

U ovoj odini na plaće administracije u FBiH bit će utrošen 221 milijun marka, a prošloj godini utrošeno je 160 milijuna.

U Domu naroda zabilježen je porast plaća za 37 posto, a porast paušala za 126 posto. Troškovi po zaposleniku u Domu naroda iznose 74 137 marka godišnje, od čega 70 308 na plaće, naknade i doprinose.

U Predstavničkom domu zabilježen je porast plaća za 20 posto, a paušala za 66 posto. Troškovi po zaposlenom u Predstavničkom domu iznose 83 800 marka godišnje, od čega 80 372 ide na plaće, naknade i doprinose.

Plaća zaposlenih u administraciji FBiH veća je 2,5 puta od prosječne plaće.

Akciju "Srežimo administraciju" organizirale su organizacije Centri civilnih inicijativa, OKC Arbrašević, GETO, REVOLT i Zašto ne.

Akcija "Srežimo administraciju" u Sarajevu bit će održana 6. aprila na Dan oslobođenja Grada.

25.03.2008.

Uspjeh Violete!!

violeta

25.03.2008.

Foto čitatelja: Parkirao policijsko vozilo na parking mjesto za invalide

1

Jedan naš čitatelj iz Zenice poslao nam je e-mail sa fotografijom na kojoj se vidi policijsko vozilo parkirano na parking mjestu rezervisanom za invalide.

Mnogi građani Zenice su izrevoltirani jer policija jedino što radi je kažnjavanje jadnih građana koji se slučajno nepropisno zaustave i parkiraju, a dok kriminalci hodaju besprijekorno gradom, ističe naš čitatelj koji je uslikao ovaj automobil.

Fotografija je uslikana 12.03.2008. godine u 17:35 ispred novootvorenog velikog shoping centra u Zenici.
24.03.2008.

Stecci

stecci

24.03.2008.

Iz Kopenhagena: ALisa Bosnic

iz kopenhagena alisa bosnic

23.03.2008.

BiH zemlja okorjelih pušača

Veliki broj pušača među zdravstvenim radnicima jedan je od razloga da Bosanci i Hercegovci duvane daleko više nego ostatak Europe, objavljuje Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini.

Sanja Mandić-Soldo polako otpuhuje dim cigarete dok sa još pet kolega uživa u ispijanju prve jutarnje kafe. Kroz odškrinuta vrata male prostorije do hodnika dopire sivi i gusti dim cigareta koje su to jutro zapaliti Mandić-Soldo i dvoje njenih kolega.

U hladno zimsko jutro ovakvu scenu biste mogli zateći u bilo kojoj firmi u ovom dijelu Balkana. Jedina razlika je da su Mandić-Soldo i njene kolege doktori, zaposleni u Centru za porodičnu medicinu pri Domu zdravlja Vrazova u Sarajevu, koji svoju pauzu provode na drugom spratu, u prostoriji proglašenoj za pušačku zonu.

Time su oni prekršili zakon. Iako je pušenje zabranjeno u svim zdravstvenim ustanovama u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH), rukovodstvo ovog doma zdravlja je doktorima i drugom medicinskom osoblju odlučilo izaći u susret nakon što je veliki broj njih rekao da bez cigarete ne može.

"Mi govorimo našim pacijentima da prekinu pušiti zbog zdravstvenih rizika", kaže Mandić-Soldo. "Ali, pretpostavljam da 60 posto doktora u BiH puše."

Da ironija bude veće, Mandić-Soldo je prije tri godine, u četrdeset drugoj godini života doživjela moždani udar koji je doveo do diplopije. Nakon toga je odlučila smanjiti pušenje sa tri na jednu kutiju dnevno.



Doktori i medicinsko osoblje u BiH i ostatku regije su među najstrastvenijim pušačima u svijetu. Nedavne procijenjene govore da između 50 posto i 60 posto zdravstvenih radnika u BiH puši. Prema istraživanju Svjetske zdravstvene organizacije (WHO) kojim nije obuhvaćena BiH, od svih europskih zemalja Gruzija ima najveći broj pušača među zdravstvenim radnicima, oko 44 posto. Alarmantna je činjenica da u zemljama bivšeg Sovjetskog saveza puši dvije trećine muškog medicinskog osoblja. Slično ovome, više od polovine muškaraca u rumunjskim zdravstvenim ustanovama puši, što u totalu iznosi nešto više od 40 posto. Približno toliko je pušača među makedonskim zdravstvenim radnicima.

Stopa pušača među doktorima i sestrama odgovara onoj među opštom populacijom, odnosno procjeni da između 35 i 50 posto građana u regiji puši najmanje 10 cigareta dnevno. Sa blizu 50 posto muškaraca i 29 posto žena BiH ima najveći broj pušača u regiji.

Statistički podaci pokazuju da je medicinsko osoblje u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama (SAD) i zemljama zapadne Europe daleko ozbiljnije shvatilo poruku o rizicima pušenja nego široko građanstvo. Primjera radi, manje od sedam posto zdravstvenih radnika u Velikoj Britaniji puši. U SAD-u puši svaki peti građanin, ali tek svaki deseti doktor.

Veliki broj pušača među zdravstvenim radnicima ukazuje na činjenicu da ni oni od kojih se to očekuje nisu spremni boriti se protiv pušenja, navodi u svom istraživanju Dr. Haik Nikogosian, specijalista za nezarazne bolesti pri WHO.

"Teško je ubijediti doktore da je pušenje bolest", kaže Dr. Zaim Jatić, odgovorni ljekar za službu porodične medicine pri sarajevskom Domu zdravlja Vrazova i profesor na medicinskom fakultetu. "Teško je ubijediti njih polovinu da su i sami bolesni. Jednostavno, na pušenje se ne gleda kao nešto što je loše."

Slična priča se može čuti i drugdje u Istočnoj Evropi.

"Rumunjski doktori – pušači (njih oko 30-34 posto), vjerovatno misle kao i njihovi pacijenti da im pušenje neće naškoditi", kaže Florin Mihaltan, predsjednik udruženja rumunjskih pulmologa, doktora specijalista za bolesti dišnih puteva.

Njegov kolega Dr. Radu Negoescu, šef Odjela za promociju zdravog stila života pri rumunjskom Institutu za javno zdravlje kaže: "U praktičnom smislu, napori zdravstvenih radnika da isprave ovaj problem su još uvijek nedovoljni, uključujući i želju i volju da isprave i svoj vlastiti profil pušača."

U pokušaju da potakne promjenu jedna moldovska bolnica je pokušala kreativniji pristup.

"Pokušali smo motivisati doktore da prekinu sa pušenjem pa smo prošle godine organizovali takmičenje. Nagrada za doktora koji prekine pušiti u roku od šest mjeseci iznosila je 100 američkih dolara", kaže Mihai Oprea, glavni doktor u odjelu za borbu protiv ovisnosti pri državnoj bolnici. "Devedeset posto učesnika ostavilo je duhan zauvijek. "

Gotovo pola stoljeća nakon što su naučnici po prvi put dokazali povezali pušenje i raka pluća, broj uživatelja u duhanu u ovom dijelu Evrope procentualno je veći u odnosu na ostatak kontinenta i gotovo duplo veći u odnosu na SAD. Očito je da su i zdravstveni radnici pridonijeli tom problemu.

Jatić se zalaže za poduzimanje oštrijih mjera prema medicinskim radnicima koji puše tokom radnog vremena. On smatra da bi medicinski inspektori trebali, za primjer drugima, novčano kazniti doktore poput Mandić-Solde i institucije u kojima rade zbog pušenja na radnom mjestu. Ali, on nema iluzija da će se nešto promijeniti u bliskoj budućnosti.

"Ne vjerujem u veliki napredak u kratkom vremenu", kaže Jatić. "Mali, ali odlučni koraci su realistični. Svaki dan donosi promjenu nabolje. Za nekoliko decenija situacija će biti bolja."

On smatra da će trebati još 20 godina da zemlje Balkana dođu u korak sa zapadnom Europom. Njegova procjena odgovara i rezultatima istraživanja koje je proveo WHO u nekoliko zemalja jugoistočne Europe. Studija je pokazala da se studenti treće godine medicine, farmacije i stomatologije, kao i viših škola za bolničare, po pitanju konzumiranja duhana ne razlikuju mnogo od profesionalnih medicinskih radnika. U Albaniji i BiH, od 10 studenata treće godine njih četvoro puše, što otprilike odgovara broju pušača među njihovim starijim kolegama. Od broja ispitanih studenata medicine iz Beograda, manje od jedne trećine je izjavilo da su informisani kako da razgovaraju sa pušačima kako bi im pomogli da bace duhan. U Hrvatskoj je informisano tek 20 posto studenata, a u Albaniji tek jedan od 10 studenata.



Paklica na dan

Iako je potrebno još dosta učiniti kako bi se informisali studenti medicine, i drugi napori na prevenciji pušenja dobijaju na važnosti.

Propisi o zabrani pušenja na javnim mjestima i ograničenom reklamiranju već se provode u većini Europskih zemalja, ali ne i u istočnoj Europi, kažu stručnjaci iz oblasti promocije zdravlja poput Rumuna Negoescu.

U Albaniji je u maju 2007. godine donesen zakon kojim se zabranjuje pušenje u kafićima, restoranima, državnim ustanovama i drugim javnim mjestima. U znak podrške, američko Udruženje za borbu protiv raka (ACS) finansiralo je istraživanje o pušačkim navikama 4,000 punoljetnih građana, a planira istražiti i da li su mjere uvedene prošle godine dale očekivane rezultate. Već sada su iznenađeni preliminarnim rezultatima istraživanja.

"Prosječan pušač svaki dan u prosjeku konzumira 22 cigarete," kaže Hana Ross, rukovodilac strateškog odjela za međunarodno praćenje duhana pri ACS-u. "To je vrlo, vrlo visok (broj). U Rusiji i Ukrajini, koje mi smatramo zemljama visokog pušačkog intenziteta, ova brojka je bliža cifri od 12 cigareta."

Istraživanje je također otkrilo da muškarci čine 60 posto pušača u Albaniji i da ne žale novca da bi si ugodili. U prosjeku troše 436 dolara godišnje što odgovara dvjema prosječnim platama, kaže Rossova.

Bez obzira na sve, cigarete su još uvijek puno jeftinije u jugoistočnoj Evropi u odnosu na drugi dio kontinenta. Kutija Drine, jedne od najpopularnijih marki u BiH košta tek 1,2 KM ili 0,60 eura. U Austriji kutija popularnih cigareta košta 2,43 eura.

Biznis ide u korak sa vremenom


Čak i na Balkanu, gdje je pušenje sveprisutno, sve je više poslodavaca koji pokazuju sluha i za nepušače.

Prošlog septembra u sarajevskom naselju Grbavica otvoren je jedan od rijetkih kafića u kome pušenje nije dozvoljeno. Sandra Jelin-Kadrić, jedna od vlasnica kafe-slastičarne Torte i to, kaže da je željela otvoriti zdrav prostor u kome se djeca i odrasli mogu opustiti. Za sada su reakcije pušača pozitivne.

"Tokom prošle godine čini se da je dosta ljudi prestalo da puši", kaže Jelin-Kadrić. "I moj muž je pokušao. Kada BiH uđe u Europsku Uniju mnogi će prestati da puše. Sada se pripremaju za to."

Vlasnici ugostiteljskih objekata koji su duže u ovom poslu kažu da će promjena biti teška. Saša Obučina je zabranio pušenje u svom restoranu Karuzo između 2005. i 2007. godine, ali je nedavno ukinuo tu zabranu. Tokom posljednje dvije godine restoran je sve slabije poslovao, a čak su i stranci, za koje se očekivalo da će biti više zainteresovani za ovakav prostor, smanjili posjetu.

"Želio sam učiniti nešto zdravo za ovaj grad", kaže Obučina, i sam nekadašnji pušač. "Ljudi nisu spremni za takve stvari."

Propisi i druge prekršajne mjere kojima bi se moglo ograničiti pušenje na javnim mjestima i smanjiti ogromni troškovi koje ono nanosi zdravstvenoj zaštiti, odugovlače se zbog toga što nadležnima nedostaje novac – i pritisak javnosti kako bi nastupili odlučnije. Protiv sebe imaju domaće proizvođače cigareta i velike međunarodne duhanske kompanije koje vide ovo područje kao veoma profitabilno.

Odgovor rumunjskih vlasti je bio uvođenje "poreza na porok" od 30 posto koji se dodaje na osnovnu cijenu cigareta. U Srbiji, koja ima dugu tradiciju proizvodnje cigareta i šverca cigaretama, donekle je usporen rast broja pušača nakon što je u januaru pokrenuta velika medijska kampanja. Na džambo plakatima nalaze se slike bombaša samoubica, koji su opasani ne sa dinamitom, već sa ogromnim cigaretama.

Novac za ovu kampanju dolazi direktno iz džepova pušača. Od svake prodate kutije cigareta 1 dinar se sliva na račune ministarstva zdravlja, od čega se trećina troši na finansiranje kampanja protiv pušenja.

"Tražimo načina da vidimo možemo li sličnu stvar uraditi u BiH", kaže Dr. Aida Ramić-Ćatak, šefica Službe za promociju zdravlja u Zavodu za javno zdravstvo Federacije BiH (FBiH). "Pokušavamo uvesti opštu strategiju promocije zdravlja, ali nemamo sredstava. Zbog toga smo predložili sličnu stvar...da povećamo sadašnji porez na cigareta za 0.2 do 0.5 posto."

Kada je ovaj razgovor vođen krajem novembra prošle godine, ona je trebala predstavljati FBiH na petom sastanku specijalista iz oblasti javnog zdravstva jugoistočne Evrope, koji se pod pokroviteljstvom WHO-a održavao u Zagrebu. No, nekoliko sedmica pred početak skupa Ramić-Ćatak još uvijek nije imala osigurana sredstva za putovanje i našla se u neugodnoj poziciji da otkaže dolazak. Na kraju je ipak otišla. Ona se nada da će nadležni u 2008. godini konačno stati iza inicijativa koje su pokrenule ona i njene kolege.

21.03.2008.

Lajčak: Tihić za vehabijsku BiH?!

SARAJEVO – Federalna televizija objavila je da je saznala za „neprimjeren razgovor visokog predstavnika Miroslava Lajčaka s predsjednikom SDA Sulejmanom Tihićem“.

Prema navodima FTV-a, Lajčak je od Tihića tražio da pristane na usvajanje predloženih zakona iz oblasti reforme policije što je Tihić odbio.Potom je tražio da nazoči stranačkom Kolegiju, što je Tihić također odbio.

Tihić nije popustio ni nakon insistiranja visokog predstavnika smatrajući kako on nema što tražiti na stranačkom sastanku.

- Lajčak ga je nakon toga optužio da je protiv europske budućnosti naše zemlje, rekavši čak da je Tihić za vehabijsku BiH, javila je televizija.

Ovu je informaciju FTV-u potvrdio i sam Tihić, dok je iz OHR-a nisu ni potvrdili ni demantirali, osim što su rekli kako ne komentiraju privatne sastanke i razgovore.

20.03.2008.

''Majke enklava Srebrenica i Žepa" uvrijeđene Dukićevim poređenjem genocida u Srebrenici sa stradanjem Srba u Sarajevu

Udruženje Pokret "Majke enklava Srebrenica i Žepa" uvrijeđene su time što je predsjednik Saveza logoraša Republike Srpske Branislav Dukić genocid u Srebrenici uporedio sa stradanjem Srba u Sarajevu, te mu poručuje da na Srebrenicu nema pravo ni pomisliti, pogotovo nema pravo uspoređivati je s drugim bh. gradovima.

Reagirajući na tu Dukićevu izjavu u vezi s namjerom da se na Trebeviću postavi krst, članice Udruženja naglašavaju da takva izjava "nije ništa drugo nego pokušaj minimiziranja genocida u Srebrenici".

Nijedan sud nije potvrdio «stravična stradanja Srba u Sarajevu» za razliku u slučaju Srebrenice, gdje je Međunarodni sud pravde u Haagu potvrdio genocid nad našim najmilijima i nama samima, poručile su Dukiću.

U saopćenju Udruženja, koje je potpisala predsjednica Munira Subašić, Dukiću je poručeno i to da je "sramno usporediti spomen- obilježje u Potočarima s eventualnim krstom iznad Sarajeva", jer je, naglašavaju, razlika ogromna.

- Spomen-obilježje u Potočarima je na mjestu na kojem su četnici otimali iz naših ruku našu djecu. Na tom mjestu počinjen je genocid. S druge strane, krst na Trebeviću bio bi na mjestu odakle su ubijana sarajevska djeca. Zato je sramno da Dukić miješa Trebević s Potočarima, jer Potočari nisu mjesto odakle su ubijani Srbi kao što je Trebević mjesto odakle su ubijana sarajevska djeca - navedeno je u saopćenju.

Na kraju, Udruženje Pokret "Majke enklava Srebrenica i Žepa" iniciraju Branislavu Dukiću i Rajku Kuzmanoviću, "predsjedniku entiteta triju ravnopravnih naroda" da daju podršku izgradnji drugih spomen-obilježja, npr. u Kravici, gdje je strijeljano 2.000 bošnjačke djece, ili spomen-obilježja na mjestu nekadašnjeg konclogora Sušica u Vlasenici.

20.03.2008.

Radomir Lukic

19.03.2008.

Istorijski govor Barack Obame o rasi

Barack Obama održao je jučer u Philadelphiji govor o rasnim odnosima u SAD-u kojeg su povjesničari već usporedili s govorima Lyndona B. Johnsona, John F. Kennedyja i Abrahama Lincolna.



Kompletan govor, mozete procitati ovdje:

“We the people, in order to form a more perfect union.”

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America’s improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation’s original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution – a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part – through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign – to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together – unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction – towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton’s Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I’ve gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world’s poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners – an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

It’s a story that hasn’t made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts – that out of many, we are truly one.

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either “too black” or “not black enough.” We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.

On one end of the spectrum, we’ve heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it’s based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we’ve heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely – just as I’m sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed. But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren’t simply controversial. They weren’t simply a religious leader’s effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country – a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam. As such, Reverend Wright’s comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems – two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all. Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way But the truth is, that isn’t all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God’s work here on Earth – by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS. In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity: “People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend’s voice up into the rafters….And in that single note – hope! – I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion’s den, Ezekiel’s field of dry bones. Those stories – of survival, and freedom, and hope – became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories tha t we didn’t need to feel shame about…memories that all people might study and cherish – and with which we could start to rebuild.” That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety – the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity’s services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America. And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions – the good and the bad – of the community that he has served diligently for so many years. I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother – a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe. These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love. Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias. But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America – to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality. The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we’ve never really worked through – a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American. Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, “The past isn’t dead and buried. In fact, it isn’t even past.” We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow. Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven’t fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today’s black and white students. Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments – meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today’s urban and rural communities. A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one’s family, contributed to the erosion of black families – a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods – parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement – all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us. This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What’s remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them. But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn’t make it – those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations – those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright’s generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicia ns, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician’s own failings. And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright’s sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races. In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don’t feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience – as far as they’re concerned, no one’s handed them anything, they’ve built it from scratch. They’ve worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committ ed; when they’re told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time. Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren’t always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism. Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze – a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns – this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding. This is where we are right now. It’s a racial stalemate we’ve been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy – particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own. But I have asserted a firm conviction – a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people – that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union. For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances – for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives – by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny. Ironically, this quintessentially American – and yes, conservative – notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright’s sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.

The profound mistake of Reverend Wright’s sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It’s that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country – a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen – is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope – the audacity to hope – for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds – by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper. In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world’s great religions demand – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother’s keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister’s keeper.

Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well. For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle – as we did in the OJ trial – or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright’s sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she’s playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies. We can do that. But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we’ll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change. That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, “Not this time.” This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can’t learn; that those kids who don’t look like us are somebody else’s problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time. This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don’t have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together. This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life.

This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn’t look like you might take your job; it’s that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit. This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should’ve been authorized and never should’ve been waged, and we want to talk about how we’ll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.

I would not be running for President if I didn’t believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation – the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

There is one story in particularly that I’d like to leave you with today – a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King’s birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that’s when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother’s problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn’t. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they’re supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who’s been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he’s there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, “I am here because of Ashley.”

“I’m here because of Ashley.” By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.


A dalja desavanja u vezi Baracka Obame, ovdje.

19.03.2008.

Dogovori i neslaganja u razgovorima Lagumdžija-Tihić-Silajdžić

Predsjednik Socijaldemokratske partije BiH Zlatko Lagumdžija izjavio je danas na konferenciji za novinare ove stranke u Sarajevu da je početkom prošle sedmice te prije dva dana imao razgovore s liderima SDA i Stranke za BiH Sulejmanom Tihićem i Harisom Silajdžićem na kojima je postignut dogovor o nekim ključnim projektima, ali i konstatirane neke bitne razlike.

Kako su novinare informirali Lagumdžija i generalni sekretar SDP-a Nermin Nikšić postignuta je apsolutna saglasnost da se pristupi hitnom rješavanju statusa rudnika uglja odgovarajućim zakonom o finansijskoj konsolidaciji rudnika te planom o njihovoj modernizaciji, zatim da se u parlamentarnoj proceduri, nakon široke javne rasprave, nađe nacrt strategije elektroenergetskog centra, te da Vlada dostavi Parlamentu tekst zakona o kontroli i reviziji privatizacije.

Učesnici ovih razgovora nisu postigli saglasnost u vezi s odlukom o izboru strateškog partnera za projektiranje i gradnju hidrocentrala, a SDP neće podržati odluku o izboru strateškog partnera u tekstu kakav je u parlamentarnoj proceduri.

Lideri SDP-a ističu da ovim razgovorima nije narušen nijedan princip socijaldemokratije niti se radi o bilo kakvoj "ograničenoj koaliciji".

Lagumdžija je pritom demantirao izvještaje nekih medija da je tzv. energetski projekt dobio saglasnost svih lidera, posebno u segmentu izbora strateškog partnera, na čemu insistira resorni ministar Vahid Hećo.

Trojica lidera su, također, usvojila principe rješavanja problema, to jest da se odmah radi na onome gdje postoji saglasnost i da se to ne uvjetuje pitanjima u kojima se ne slažu.

Lagumdžija kaže da je bolje uraditi ono što se može nego ništa te da ovim dogovorima nije predviđen nikakav "paket" mjera.

On je posebno istaknuo to da su svi podržali SDP-ov prijedlog za usvajanje zakona o oduzimanju opljačkane imovine i zakon o kontroli i reviziji privatizacije

Govoreći o razlikama koje su se pojavile u ovim razgovorima, Lagumdžija je kazao da SDP insistira da se ne prihvati odluka o izboru strateškog partnera za gradnju hidrocentrala te poništi "besmislena" odluka Vlade FBiH o izgradnji hidrocentrala na osnovu samoinicijativnih ponuda.

Za Lagumdžiju je logička besmislica birati strateškog partnera bez postojanja strategije. U ovom slučaju su pozicije SDA i SDP-a bliske, dok Stranka za BiH insistira na svojim ranijim stavovima. U SDP-u, također, smatraju da treba pustiti da nadležne institucije utvrde da li je u svemu ovome eventualno bilo nekog kriminala.

Slično je i s reformom policije, gdje su stavovi SDP-a i Stranke za BiH nepomirljivi. Zakoni koji su trenutno u proceduri u Parlamentarnoj skupštini BiH za Lagumdžiju su "apsolutna nula", a amandman Stranke za BiH bio bi samo "betoniranje nule".

Amandmanima SDP-a, ali i SDA, traži se da nove institucije predviđene ovim zakonima dobiju ingerencije i za niže nivoe vlasti, a SDP insistira i na posebnom statusu Srebrenice te popisu stanovništva iz 1991. godine.

Govoreći o pritiscima međunarodne zajednice na SDP da popusti u ovom pitanju, Lagumdžija je istaknuo da se čak prijeti "raspadom zemlje".

- Niko nije budala da u to vjeruje, rekao je Lagumdžija, ocijenivši pritisak na SDP i šefa poslaničkog kluba SDP-a u Predstavničkom domu Jozu Križanovića kao "dno".

Pad ovake "reforme" policije bit će signal međunarodnoj zajednici da konačno promijeni ploču i bude ozbiljnija, smatra Lagumdžija.

-BiH se neće raspasti, nego politika međunarodne zajednice kakva je bila zadnjih nekoliko mjeseci. U opasnosti nije država, nego stolice tih međunarodnih činovnika, kazao je predsjednik SDPBiH Zlatko Lagumdžija.

18.03.2008.

Imovinski karton Zeljka Komsica

Supruga i ja imamo stan kupljen i opremljen kreditima koje otplaćujem i koje ću još dugo otplaćivati, štedna knjižica na jedino dijete - kćerku s ulogom od 300 eura, nemamo auto - čak niti onaj čuveni "Mercedes", nemamo drugih kuća, stanova, zemlje ili drugih nekretnina, na planinama, morima, inostranstvu, nemamo dionica nigdje, nismo članovi nikakvih upravnih ili nadzornih odbora, nemamo nikakvih firmi ili udjela u firmama, supruga je na neplaćenom odmoru, jedini prihod nam je moja plaća, naknada za "Zlatnog ljiljana" i puničina penzija, jer ona živi s nama .

Moj otac, majka mi je poginula, ima svoj stan, penziju i vlasnik je, s braćom i sestrama, porodične, devastirane, kuće u okolini Kiseljaka, moja sestra ima svoju porodicu, ona radi, muž joj radi i imaju stan kupljen kreditima i auto, moja punica živi s mojom porodicom, ima penziju, kako već rekoh, i vikendicu u Pazariću, koju su napravili, prije rata, ona i moj rahmetli punac. Također, ona posjeduje i garažu, koja je pretvorena u poslovni prostor još 1996. godine.

Ženin brat ima svoju porodicu i živi od svoje plaće u državnoj firmi, ima stan i auto. To vam je moj, i članova moje i ženine porodice - neka i oni budu provjereni, imovinski karton. Dakle, nismo svi isti! Mi bar znamo odakle nam i koliko smo platili!

Iz intervjua Željka Komšića za agenciju ONASA

17.03.2008.

Del Ponte: Beograd htio žrtvovati Mladića za tužbu BiH

Srpske vlasti namjeravale su krajem 2003. godine uhapsiti Ratka Mladića kako bi sva krivica za genocid u Srebrenici mogla biti svaljena na njega kao "žrtvenog jarca", jer bi Beograd tako mogao uvjeriti BiH da odustane od tužbe pred Međunarodnim sudom pravde (ICJ), tvrdi bivša tužiteljica Haškog suda Carla del Ponte u svojoj knjizi "Lov".

Del Ponte navodi da se tokom njene posjete Beogradu u oktobru 2003., čiji su glavni ciljevi na početku bila pitanja hapšenja Mladića i proces protiv Srbije pred ICJ-em, ubrzo pokazalo kako je strategija Beograda da uhapsi Mladića koji bi zatim pred Haškim sudom (ICTY) odgovarao za genocid u BiH, a da onda radi na uvjeravanju bosanske vlade da povuče tužbu protiv Srbije.

Bivša tužiteljica je tada razgovarala i s tadašnjim ministrom vanjskih poslova SCG Goranom Svilanovićem i njegovim savjetnikom Vladimirom Đerićem, kojeg je "(Svilanović) zadužio da spriječi da kompromitujući dokazi o učestvovanju Srbije u genocidu u BiH i prisvajanju teritorije u Hrvatskoj stignu do ICTY-a i, prije svega, do Međunarodnog suda pravde".

Kako objašnjava Del Ponte, srpskim zvaničnicima prenijela je razočaranost zbog ograničavanja ICTY-a u pristupu srpskim arhivama i poručila im da je način na koji se Beograd odnosi prema zahtjevu tog suda za pristup državnim dokumentima "skandalozan".

"Svilanović je odgovorio navodeći opet problem odbrane Srbije u tužbi pred ICJ-em. Zatim me je opomenuo da ne podnosim ponovo zahtjev za obavezujući nalog za pristup arhivama, upozoravajući da Tužilaštvo nema mnogo izgleda za pobjedu i da podnošenje takvog zahtjeva ne bi 'pomoglo', želeći da kaže da bi Beograd mogao da sarađuje još manje", piše bivša tužiteljica.

"Možda je Svilanović imao namjeru da me iznervira baš onoliko koliko me je iznervirao", dodala je, navodeći da je bivši šef diplomatije SCG tada ponovo počeo da govori o tužbi BiH protiv Srbije, "implicirajući očigledno kako zna da dokumenti sadrže podatke koji bi, kada bi dospjeli u ruke sudaca ICJ-a, bili katastrofalni za Srbiju".

Svilanović ju je, piše Del Ponte, podsjetio kako je jasno da bi kada bi ICTY proglasio (Slobodana) Miloševića krivim za genocid, to oslabilo odbranu Srbije u procesu pred Međunarodnim sudom pravde. Zbog toga su, kazao je, vlasti sada čvrsto odlučne da uhapse Mladića.

"Sugerirao je da bi sva krivica za genocid u Srebrenici i druge zločine koje su počinili Srbi u Bosni mogla biti svaljena na Mladića koji bi tako postao žrtveni jarac, a Beograd bi mogao uvjeriti BiH da odustane od tužbe", dodaje ona.

Bivša tužiteljica mu je, kako piše u svojoj knjizi "Lov", na to ipak odgovorila najavom da će u svom predstojećem izvještaju Vijeću sigurnosti UN-a kritizirati saradnju SCG s Haškim sudom, piše Carla Del Ponte u svojoj knjizi "Lov", u čiju je kopiju za medije prije zvaničnog objavljivanja imala uvid agencija Beta.

14.03.2008.

Lajčak: Dodik je najjači politički lider u BiH

"Premijer RS Milorad Dodik sačuvao je mir i stabilnost u BiH nakon otcjepljenja Kosova", ocijenio je visoki predstavnik za BiH Miroslav Lajčak i dodao da je Dodik najjači politički lider u našoj zemlji.

"Dodik je u pravu kada kaže da bi želio da čuje od svojih koalicionih partnera da priznaju RS, jer onda imaju pravo da kažu: 'Evo priznajemo RS i dosta je priče o referendumu i otcjepljenju, jer je to dječija priča i to svi znamo'", rekao je Lajčak sinoć, prenosi Srna.

"Ako je politički neprihvatljivo za bošnjačke političke lidere da kažu: 'RS jeste realnost' - onda nešto nije u redu", kazao je.

Visoki predstavnik smatra da je Dodik najjači politički lider u BiH i da ne vidi spremnost sarajevskih političara da iskoriste Dodikov pozitivan utjecaj.

Visoki predstavnik je rekao da je na sastancima političkih lidera vidljivo da se bošnjački politički lideri bore za to što smatraju bošnjačkom stvari, ali se bore i između sebe.

"Ako je jedan od njih za nešto, drugi je minimalno oprezan, ako nije i protiv i time se gubi čitavo bošnjačko biračko tijelo", dodao je Lajčak.

Visoki predstavnik ocijenio je da trenutno ne postoji spremnost političkih lidera u BiH da donesu novi ustav, te da je ovdašnja politika nezrela i da se stalno krije iza nekog spoljnog faktora.

11.03.2008.

Busek: Bosna i Hercegovina najveći problem

Erhard Busek, bivši posebni koordinator Pakta o stabilnosti u jugoistočnoj Evropi, smatra da je Bosna i Hercegovina najveći problem na Balkanu. „Najteži problem 'regije' predstavlja 'unutarnja integracija Bosne i Hercegovine", izjavio je Busek u intervjuu za "Wiener Zeitung".

„To je zemlja iz koje se stanovnici iseljavaju, u kojoj se gospodarski malo toga pokreće, gdje nema zajedničkog identiteta. Ondje vidim na duge staze teške probleme i u kontekstu evropske integracije“, izjavio je Busek, prenijela je Hina.

Srbija je zbog neuspjeha vlade u politici prema Evropskoj uniji i Kosovu 'srednjoročno gledano problematično dijete Balkana', rekao je Busek, dodajući: "Ne vjerujem da će stanje s Kosovom brzo proći. Ko više od 600 godina u pamćenju zadrži bitku na Kosovu, taj i u drugim pitanjima ima veliki kapacitet sjećanja."

Na Kosovu se može pokrenuti razvoj uz pomoć pouzdanog pravnog poretka i osiguranih ulaganja, a to se može 'odlučujuće poboljšati razjašnjavanjem statusnog pitanja', smatra Busek.

Kad se govori o organiziranom zločinu i korupciji na Kosovu, 'treba se biti malo oprezniji'.

„Ne usuđujem se praviti usporedbu razine korupcije u južnoj Italiji, Rumuniji i na Kosovu“, rekao je Busek, koji smatra da se, kad je riječ o Kosovu, donose jednostrane ocjene.

Busek smatra da je Uprava Ujedinjenih naroda na Kosovu dio korupcijske i kriminalne mreže na Kosovu, i da bi umjesto nje trebalo uvesti upravu Evropske unije.

Busek se zauzima za to da sve balkanske zemlje dobiju status kandidata za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji, kao i za ukidanje viza za cijelu regiju.

09.03.2008.

Silajdžić: Nikada neću prihvatiti entitetske policije

Predsjedavajući Predsjedništva BiH i predsjednik Stranke za BiH dr. Haris Silajdžić, izjavio je u subotu u Brčkom da je prioritet njegove stranke ulazak u Evropsku uniju te da nikada neće odustati od svojih amandmana za reformu policije u BiH koji se temelje na Mostarskoj deklaraciji.

''Neću prihvatiti nikada entitetske policije, pogotovu policiju Republike Srpske zbog toga što je sasvim jasno i glasno, imenom i prezimenom osuđena za genocid u presudi Međunarodnog suda pravde od 26. februara prošle godine. Ja to kao čovjek nikada ne mogu prihvatiti'', kazao je tokom današnje posjete vijeću Stranke za BiH Brčko distrikta.

Govoreći o ustavnim promjenama on je kazao da je stav Stranke za BiH nepromijenjen. tj. BiH treba biti uređena po principu ekonomskih a ne etničkih regija.

''To nije ništa novo. Mi smo ranije imali srezove, tj. podjele po ekonomskim kriterijima. Mi smatramo da treba biti pet regija, može ih biti i više ali ih ne mogu biti samo tri jer to odmah smatra etničku podjelu. Mi smo protiv etničke podjele i stvaranja novih entiteta'', kazao je Silajdžić.

Tokom razgovora s brčanskim dogradonačelnikom Antom Domićem dr. Silajdžić je dao podršku izgradnji brze ceste Orašje-Tuzla i novom mostu Brčko-Gunja kojeg će zajednički graditi BiH i Hrvatska.

04.03.2008.

Tajo i gradonacelnica

hhhhhhhhhooooooohoholorpv0 silajdzicbx5restz1cx8

03.03.2008.

Drinski kod Visegrada

drinski kod visegrada

03.03.2008.

Upozorenje: Problemi u BiH!!

upozorenje

02.03.2008.

Omarska u holandskim novinama: Srbi nisu napravili zlocin!!

omarska

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